T. Matthew Wolfe, Ludwig Shoufler Miller Johnson, LLP

Photos courtesy of Matt Wolfe

Outstanding Young Lawyer 2021

This year’s Outstanding Young Lawyer, Matt Wolfe, is a Boise transplant and has moved around all over the globe serving our country as part of the National Guard. Matt was born and raised in Hopatcong, New Jersey, a small borough in Sussex County and joined the National Guard straight out of high school. After completing basic training, he was immediately deployed to Guantanamo Bay and recounts this as both a weird and interesting experience for a young 19-year-old kid.

Matt spent the next 10 years working as a contractor for the military, which took him all over the world, including Cuba, Kuwait, Hawaii, and Washington D.C. During this time, he completed his undergraduate education online through the American Military University and began entertaining a change in career trajectory. His goal was to find something a little more stable and conducive to long term career building. Matt felt the legal profession would be a natural fit and a good transition, allowing him to utilize the research, writing, and briefing skills he had honed during his time in military service. He began looking for options on where to attend law school and after stumbling across an article online about Boise, Idaho, decided to relocate from the East Coast to attend Concordia University School of Law. Matt graduated with his law degree from Concordia in 2016 and was admitted to the Idaho State Bar that same year.

After receiving his law degree, Matt and his wife, Ashley, who he met during his second year of law school, moved back to the East Coast where he attended Boston University and received his LL.M. Hoping to begin his career back in Idaho – and avoid having to take the bar exam in another state – Matt began seeking out conversations with Idaho lawyers who had also received their LL.M. degrees. It was through this networking effort that Matt got connected with Tom Walker who offered him a job as an associate in his new Boise firm, Generations Law Group. Matt began working with Tom and remained at Generations Law Group until late last year.

Matt and his twins, Atlas and Olympia

In September 2020, Matt transitioned to the firm Ludwig Schoufler Miller Johnson, LLP where he continues to practice family law, estate planning, and probate. Matt considers both Tom Walker and Scott Ludwig among his professional role models and is grateful for the opportunity to learn from their expertise.

While balancing his workload, Matt is involved in several law related volunteer efforts. Encouraged by Tom Walker to get involved and continue networking, Matt ran for an open position as an officer for the Fourth District Bar Association and is now serving as Vice President. He is also the current CLE Chair of the Idaho State Bar Young Lawyer Section and serves as Chair of the Idaho Military Legal Alliance, a Bar related entity providing free legal services for veterans across the state. The Idaho Military Legal Alliance is currently conducting a monthly, phone clinic for Veteran’s, and Matt would ask that any attorney interested in helping a Veteran to please get in touch with him.

Continuing with this theme of getting involved and contributing to the local Bar community, Matt’s advice to his younger self – and other young lawyers – is to set aside the hesitation to reach out, put yourself out there, or make new connections within the Bar. Matt mentions that Idaho attorneys are fortunate to be part of a Bar that is small enough in which you can easily meet other attorneys in your practice area or from whom you would like to learn. He would also make sure to tell his younger self to buy Bitcoin, buy a lot of Bitcoin.

Matt and his wife, Ashley, have three children – a five-year-old and three-year-old twins. Matt enjoys woodworking, golf, and fantasy football, though he jokingly mentions that he does not have time for much in terms of hobbies with three little ones running around.

Matt notes that the hardest part of being a younger attorney is not having all the answers, even though your clients and judges require you to have all the answers. Clients pick your firm based on the collective experience of the firm, and you do not want to make your client second guess their decision by not having all the answers. However, you need to make sure you are giving you clients the best advice possible, which sometimes requires you to check with the partners of the firm.

The best part of being a younger attorney is getting to learn. You learn something new every day about the legal code, or the bar, or some “unwritten rules” of practicing law. Plus, being a younger attorney sometimes gives you an upper hand in a case since you might look at a problem differently than an attorney that has practicing for a while.

Matt would like to extend his gratitude to some of the many people that have helped him over the years: everyone in his Concordia Family, all the amazing people at the bar, Tom Walker, Scot Ludwig, all support staff (Is there a better way to say that), and he’d like to end by thanking his mom.

Matt’s grandparents, Bernie and Dorothy. Jersey Shore natives.

How the U.S Constitution Connects with COVID-19

Richard H. Seamon

Published September 2021

Every semester, I tell the students in my course on constitutional law at the University of Idaho College of Law that it is a great time to be taking constitutional law. And every semester that proves to be true. Recent events during the COVID-19 pandemic have raised many issues of constitutional law useful for class discussion. In the following, I discuss one such event: the federal residential eviction moratorium. The moratorium arguably exceeds the federal government’s statutory and constitutional powers. In the following discussion of the moratorium’s legal vulnerability, you will encounter cases that you might remember from your own law school course in constitutional law. I hope the discussion shows the continuing vitality and central relevance of the U.S. Constitution to the challenges that confront our country today.

Introducing the CDC’s Eviction Moratorium

In the pandemic-relief law known as the “CARES Act,” Congress put a six-month moratorium on certain residential evictions.[1] After that moratorium expired in July 2020, Congress did not renew it. Instead, a new eviction moratorium was put in place by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), a federal agency within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.[2] The CDC’s eviction moratorium expired on July 31, 2021, despite last minute pressure on the White House and Congress to extend it.[3] In light of the looming expiration, the Idaho Judicial Branch started a pilot program in Ada County that invites landlords and tenants in eviction suits to negotiate settlement agreements through an online portal.[4]

The CDC eviction moratorium applied to all residential housing in the United States. To get protection under the moratorium, a tenant had to show that he or she had fallen behind in rent because of job loss, a cut in working hours, or extraordinary medical expenses. The tenant also had to show that he or she could not find alternative housing other than “congregate” housing like a homeless shelter. A landlord who evicted a tenant in violation of the moratorium faced up to one year in prison and a fine of up to $250,000.[5]

The CDC issued the moratorium under the Public Health Service Act. That federal law authorizes the CDC to issue “such regulations as in [its] judgment are necessary to prevent the introduction, transmission, or spread of communicable diseases . . . from one State . . . into any other State.”[6] The CDC explained that the eviction moratorium could limit the spread of COVID-19 in three ways. It could facilitate self-isolation by people who get COVID-19. It could help States and local governments implement stay-at-home orders. Finally, it could prevent people from ending up on the street or in homeless shelters, where COVID-19 is more easily spread.[7]

Thus, the CDC justified its eviction moratorium as a public health measure. That is important because the U.S. Constitution does not expressly authorize the federal government to issue public health measures. And so a student of the U.S. Constitution naturally wonders whether it authorizes the CDC’s eviction moratorium. This question of the federal government’s power involves three issues that are covered in a law school course on constitutional law and are discussed as follows: the limited powers of the federal government; Congress’s power over interstate commerce; and the delegation doctrine.

The Limited Powers of the Federal Government

The U.S. Constitution creates a federal government of limited powers. But to grasp this point fully, law students must learn that the limited powers granted by the Constitution can include implied powers under the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in McCulloch v. Maryland.[8]

In McCulloch, the Court held that Congress had power to create a national bank. The Court acknowledged that “[a]mong the enumerated powers, we do not find that of establishing a bank.”[9] That was not fatal, the Court concluded, because the Constitution gives implied (as well as express) powers to Congress. The Court based this conclusion partly on the Constitution’s Necessary and Proper Clause, which the Court interpreted to recognize Congress’s power to enact all measures that are reasonably necessary to execute the enumerated powers.[10]

The McCulloch Court held that the creation of a national bank fell within Congress’s implied powers, as reflected in the Necessary and Proper Clause. The Court reasoned that the bank was a reasonably necessary way for Congress to execute various enumerated powers. Those powers included the powers to lay and collect taxes (with the national bank serving as a depository of those taxes); to borrow money (with the bank serving as the federal government’s lender); and to regulate commerce (with the bank’s notes serving as a form of national currency). And so, after all, the national bank was a “necessary and proper” way of executing several enumerated powers.

The McCulloch Court’s recognition of “implied powers” underlay the federal government’s expansion in the twentieth century. As one website says, “Ultimately, McCulloch v. Maryland made possible the rise of . . . ‘the administrative state,’ in which the government employs officials to oversee many aspects of American life, from environmental issues to labor disputes.”[11] This conclusion is incomplete, though. To appreciate the connection between McCulloch and today’s “administrative state,” the student of constitutional law must learn (1) how McCulloch’s concept of implied powers combines with Congress’s power to regulate interstate commerce and (2) how the Court’s delegation doctrine allows Congress to transfer huge hunks of its Commerce power to federal executive-branch agencies.

The implied powers, in effect, enlarge the enumerated powers. This enlargement has been most significant as applied to Congress’s power to “regulate Commerce . . . among the several States.”[12]

Congress’s Commerce Power

The implied powers of Congress recognized in McCulloch and reflected in the Necessary and Proper Clause can be exercised only in connection with Congress’s execution of its expressly enumerated powers. The implied powers, in effect, enlarge the enumerated powers. This enlargement has been most significant as applied to Congress’s power to “regulate Commerce . . . among the several States.”[12]

As enlarged by implied powers, Congress’s Commerce power was held in United States v. Lopez to authorize Congress to regulate three categories of activity:

First, Congress may regulate the use of the channels of interstate commerce. Second, Congress [may] . . . regulate and protect the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or things in interstate commerce. . . . Finally, Congress [may] . . .  regulate . . . those activities that substantially affect interstate commerce.[13]

The third category is reachable by Congress largely because of its implied powers. The classic case illustrating this is Wickard v. Filburn.[14] There, the federal government fined Roscoe Filburn for growing more wheat than allowed under a federal statute. Mr. Filburn consumed all of this excess wheat on his own farm. The Court upheld Congress’s power to regulate a farmer’s growing his own wheat for his own on-farm consumption. The Court reasoned, in part, that regulation of this type of activity was necessary to protect Congress’s ability to regulate interstate commerce in wheat. It was thus justified as a means that was reasonably necessary to executing the Commerce power over the commodity. To support this conclusion, the Wickard Court cited McCulloch v. Maryland.[15]

Today, we would say that Congress could regulate Farmer Filburn’s growing of “excess wheat” for his own use because that activity—when considered in the aggregate—substantially affected interstate commerce in wheat and thus fell within Congress Commerce power (as enlarged by the implied powers reflected in the Necessary and Proper Clause). The Commerce power, as amplified by the Necessary and Proper Clause, underlies most federal statutes on the books today, including federal anti-discrimination laws, environmental protection laws, and, most relevant here, public health laws.

So far, we’ve established Congress’s power to regulate activity that substantially affects interstate commerce. We still must connect that power of Congress to federal executive-branch agencies like the CDC. The connection lies in the delegation doctrine.

The Delegation Doctrine

The delegation doctrine allows Congress to authorize federal agencies to make rules that have the “force and effect of law.”[16] These rules are called “legislative rules” to indicate that their legal effect is tantamount to that of federal statutes.

Early on, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the argument that, by allowing federal agencies to make legislative rules, Congress was abdicating its duty to exercise “[a]ll legislative Powers” vested in it by the U.S. Constitution.[17] The Court takes the position that federal agencies exercise only a “quasi-legislative,” not a purely legislative power.[18] The Court insists, however, that in granting this power, Congress must prescribe an “intelligible principle” for the agency to follow when making legislative rules. Thus, the federal statute that grants rulemaking power must put comprehensible (“intelligible”) restrictions on that power.

In applying the “intelligible principle” standard, the Court has upheld exceptionally broad grants of rulemaking power to federal agencies. For example, the Court upheld the federal statute that allows the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) to make workplace safety rules. The statute requires the rules to be “reasonably necessary or appropriate to provide safe or healthful employment [which] most adequately assure[], to the extent feasible, on the basis of the best available evidence, that no employee will suffer material impairment of health.”[19]

It does not matter that this statute is full of fuzzy wiggle words like “reasonably necessary or appropriate,” “adequately assure,” “to the extent feasible,” and “material impairment.” Nor does it matter that the rules cover all businesses that are engaged in interstate commerce or whose activities substantially affect interstate commerce. Under the Court’s delegation doctrine, OSHA can prescribe national workplace safety policy for almost the entire private sector.

Revisiting the CDC’s Eviction Moratorium

At this point, we can fully analyze the CDC’s power to issue the eviction moratorium. Analysis entails three questions:

  1. Does the nationwide eviction moratorium fall with the CDC’s power under the Public Health Service Act? If so, two further questions arise:
  2. Does the Act violate the delegation doctrine?
  3. Does the Act fall within Congress’s power?

Only questions two and three are questions of constitutional law. Question one involves statutory interpretation, but it is influenced by constitutional concerns, as shown in a recent decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, Tiger Lily, LLC v. U.S. Dep’t of Housing and Urban Development.[20]

The court in Tiger Lily held that CDC’s eviction moratorium was not authorized by the Public Health Service Act. The court relied partly on its belief that the Act “could raise a nondelegation problem” if it were interpreted to authorize the moratorium. The court explained that such an interpretation “would grant the CDC director near-dictatorial power for the duration of the pandemic.”[21] The apparently limitless scope of power entailed by the CDC’s favored interpretation would mean that the statute necessarily lacks an “intelligible principle” restraining agency discretion. As such, the statute would violate the nondelegation doctrine if the CDC’s interpretation were adopted.

The Tiger Lilly court also believed that an expansive interpretation of the Act urged by the CDC would “push the limit of congressional authority” and for that reason, too, must be avoided.[22] The “congressional authority” that the court had in mind was Congress’s authority under the Commerce Clause. Although the CDC argued that the moratorium regulated activity that substantially affects interstate commerce, the argument was a stretch in the court’s view. That was so for three reasons.

First, the eviction moratorium did not regulate a commercial transaction like the rental of housing. Indeed, it didn’t alter tenants’ contractual obligation to pay rent. It just restricted a legal remedy—one that usually would be sought in a state court—for nonpayment. Nor was the moratorium a reasonably necessary part of a broader federal scheme for regulating the real estate market.

Second, the connection between the eviction moratorium and the interstate movement of people was highly attenuated. The Texas court found that, while about 15% of residential moves are interstate, only a small percentage of residential moves result from evictions. Marital breakups account for ten times as many residential moves as do evictions, and yet it’s doubtful that the federal government can regulate divorce, as family law is an area of traditional state concern.[23]

Third, a federal eviction moratorium is unprecedented. In the past, eviction moratoria have been thought to fall within the States’ police power.[24] The federal government’s failure to exercise a power that would be so appealing in response to events like the Spanish Flu of 1919-1920 and the Great Depression tends to suggest that the power does not exist.

Thus, the Sixth Circuit’s decision in Tiger Lily implies that the moratorium’s constitutionality is dubious because of the nondelegation doctrine and the limits on Congress’s Commerce power.

The D.C. Circuit, however, came to opposite conclusions in Alabama Ass’n of Realtors v. U.S. Dep’t of Health and Human Services.[25]The D.C. Circuit’s decision has limited precedential value, as it was a short per curiam opinion issued on appeal from a district court’s grant of a stay pending appeal. Even so, the decision is significant because of its conclusions that the eviction moratorium (1) “falls within the plain text” of the Public Health Service Act; (2) the Act, in turn, falls within Congress’s “well-established authority to regulate rental housing transactions because they substantially affect interstate commerce”; and (3) the Act complies with the nondelegation doctrine because it “provides an intelligible principle that guides the [CDC’s] authority.”[26] These quotations from the D.C. Circuit’s opinion make clear that it does not see eye-to-eye with the Sixth Circuit when it comes to the validity, including the constitutionality of the eviction moratorium.

This disagreement between the circuits is unlikely to be resolved by the U.S. Supreme Court in the near term. The expiration of the CDC eviction moratorium probably renders pending legal challenges to it moot. But the federal government’s power under the U.S. Constitution to impose such a moratorium remains an important issue that could ultimately draw the Court’s attention. And the issue could arise again if COVID-19 flares up or some other crisis causes the federal government to reinstitute a moratorium.

“This disagreement between the circuits is unlikely to be resolved by the U.S. Supreme Court in the near term”

Conclusion

Even if we consider only the federal government’s power to issue the residential mortgage moratorium, we delve into topics that consume several weeks of the constitutional law course. And this article has not even addressed the question of whether that exercise of power violates individual constitutional rights, such as the right to just compensation for takings of private property.[27] I hope the article nonetheless suffices to show that the U.S. Constitution remains at the center of matters of vital public interest, and that the law school course on constitutional law begin to equip students to analyze those matters.


Richard H. Seamon is a professor at the University of Idaho College of Law who teaches constitutional law and other subjects. He welcomes your feedback at richard@uidaho.edu.

Endnotes

[1] Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act, Pub. L. No. 116-136, § 4024, 134 Stat. 281, 492–93 (2020).

[2] Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions to Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19, 85 Fed. Reg. 55,292 (Sept. 4, 2020).

[3] CDC, Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions to Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19 (updated June 29, 2021), https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-eviction-declaration.html; Andrew Ackerman & Siobhan Hughes, House Adjourns Without Extending Covid-19 Eviction Moratorium, Wall St. J., July 30, 2021, https://www.wsj.com/articles/house-adjourns-without-extending-covid-19-eviction-moratorium-11627684248?mod=searchresults_pos1&page=1.

[4] State of Idaho Judicial Branch, Press Release: New Tool Allows Landlord, Tenants to Resolve Eviction Cases Online (July 7, 2021), https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&ved=2ahUKEwjqteXk_YvyAhVSqJ4KHQ8OBgsQFjACegQIBxAD&url=https%3A%2F%2Fisc.idaho.gov%2Fsites%2Fdefault%2Ffiles%2Fpress-release-documents%2F20210707%2520New%2520Tool%2520Allows%2520Landlords%252C%2520Tenants%2520to%2520Resolve%2520Eviction%2520Cases%2520Online.pdf&usg=AOvVaw3tclM8I5CVbyLQVqpvA0Xc

[5] Id. at 55,296–97.

[6] 42 U.S.C. § 264(a). The statute grants rulemaking power to the Surgeon General, but that power has been transferred to the CDC. Ala. Ass’n of Realtors v. U.S. Dep’t of Health & Human Servs., No. 21-5093, 2021 WL 2221646, at *1 n.1 (D.C. Cir. June 2, 2021).

[7] 85 Fed. Reg. at 55,292.

[8] 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316 (1819).

[9] Id. at 406.

[10] U.S. Const. art, I, § 8, cl. 18.

[11] History.com Editors, McCulloch v. Maryland, history.com (updated June 1, 2021), https://www.history.com/topics/united-states-constitution/mcculloch-v-maryland.

[12] U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 3.

[13] 514 U.S. 549, 558 (1995).

[14] 317 U.S. 111 (1942).

[15] Wickard, 317 U.S. at 129 n.29.

[16] E.g., PDR Network, LLC v. Carlton & Harris Chiropractic, Inc., 139 S. Ct. 2051, 2055 (2019).

[17] U.S. Const. art. I, § 1.

[18] E.g., Chrysler Corp. v. Brown, 441 U.S. 281, 302 (1979).

[19] Industrial Union v. American Petroleum Institute, 448 U.S. 607, 612 (1980) (quoting statute).

[20] No. 21-5256, 2021 WL 3121373 (6th Cir. July 23, 2021).

[21] Id. at *4.

[22] Id.

[23] Terkel, 2021 WL 742877, at *10.

[24] E.g., Home Bldg. Ass’n v. Blaisdell, 290 U.S. 398, 437 (1934).

[25] No. 21-5093, 2021 WL 2221646 (June 2, 2021).

[26] Id. at *3.

[27] U.S. Const., amend. V.

Gender Designations on Public Identity Documents: To Amend or Abolish?

ID cards. Personal info data. Identification document with person photo. User or profile card. Driver’s license. Flat style. Vector illustration.

Casey Parsons

Published November/December 2021

The last several years have marked many victories for transgender people in the United States. In June 2020, the Supreme Court unequivocally held in Bostock v. Clayton County that discrimination against transgender individuals violates Title VII of the Civil Rights Act.[1] One year later, in Grimm v. Gloucester County School Board, the Supreme Court left undisturbed a high school student’s right to use the bathroom when it denied the school board’s petition for a writ of certiorari following a ruling in the Fourth Circuit that favored the student.[2]

Even so, many states – including Idaho – have passed legislation threatening the rights of transgender people. These attacks include prohibitions on accessing medical treatment, bans on trans women in sports, laws that seek to prevent trans and gender non-conforming people from amending their identity documents, and even criminal penalties for transgender people using the bathroom. In some cases, legal remedies have protected those rights. However, in many cases, there is no adequate legal remedy to address the underlying structural conditions that facilitate discrimination against transgender individuals based on their gender identity. The State of Idaho lacks explicit legal protections for transgender individuals and the gap left by federal law subjects trans people in our communities to harassment and discrimination in nearly every aspect of daily life.

As a preliminary matter, it is important to clarify some terms used in this article. One’s presumed sex or gender at birth is the gendered legal and/or medical fiction at the time that they are born. I refer to one’s presumed sex or gender as a fiction because, in many cases, that presumption misidentifies the gender of the individual in question. Moreover, presuming that individuals fall into one of two categories – either male or female – fails to account for the wide spectrum of sex and gender and inappropriately simplifies a complex phenomenon.[3]

The terms “trans” or “transgender” refer widely to individuals for whom the gender presumed at their birth is a misidentification. I use these terms interchangeably, although some people prefer the more inclusive term “trans*.” The term “gender binary” refers to the framework that limits sex and gender to either male or female. Some individuals who are trans identify within the gender binary and are trans men or trans women; others reject that framework entirely and use terms such as “non-binary,” “genderqueer,” or “gender non-conforming.” For the sake of consistency, I will broadly refer to such individuals as either “non-binary” or “gender non-conforming,” but it is important to recognize that neither term captures the full scope of transgender individuals who do not identify within the male-female gender binary.

I also want to address why this issue is so urgent: transgender and gender non-conforming people regularly face violence and discrimination due to their gender identity and expression. In a 2015 survey of transgender individuals, 48% of respondents reported discrimination at private businesses, verbal harassment, or physical attack due to their transgender status within the prior year.[4]

That same survey revealed many other disturbing figures. Among the respondents who held or applied for a job in the last year, 67% reported that they were fired, denied a promotion, or not hired for a job for which they applied due to their transgender status (including, more recently, the author of this article).[5] 23% of respondents reported housing discrimination based on their transgender status.[6] 58% of respondents who interacted with law enforcement reported experiencing verbal harassment and/or physical or sexual assault as a result.[7] And the Human Rights Campaign reported at least 37 instances of fatal violence against transgender people in 2020 – a record-breaking figure.[8] These realities on all counts are particularly acute for transgender people of color.[9]

The present article focuses on courts and state legislatures that have recently allowed non-binary and gender non-conforming individuals to designate their gender as “X” on identity documents; however, even as a starting point that framework is inadequate. Many non-binary or gender non-conforming individuals do not construe their sex or gender as a third category to male and female but instead view gender as a site of experimentation and multiplicity.

I argue that such policies ultimately put trans and gender non-conforming people at significant risk of violence and discrimination. Legislatures should instead consider removing gender and sex markers from identification documents entirely – a policy supported by the American Medical Association.[10]

I argue that such policies ultimately put trans and gender non-conforming people at significant risk of violence and discrimination.

As a quick aside, I feel that it is necessary to address a few common arguments made by individuals opposed to the legal recognition and social acceptance of transgender people. Some argue that transgender people, and trans women in particular, seek access to spaces that align with their gender for predatory reasons. This rhetoric mirrors the anti-gay panic prevalent in the 1990s and early 2000s and has no grounding in empirical data.[11] Moreover, the fact that some individual might take advantage of the gendered framework prevalent in the United States is not a reason to think that states should deny rights to transgender people systematically.

Others contend that biological sex is an objective and sound metric for evaluating one’s identity, and that transgender people are a small and inconsequential anomaly. As noted previously, biological sex is simply too complicated to reduce to a determination that individuals fall into the category of either male or female.[12] Parents and medical professionals often make an arbitrary determination at birth that imposes a particular gender that misidentifies the individual in question. While it is difficult to approximate the population of transgender and gender non-conforming people in the United States, recent reports estimate that 1 in 250 adults is transgender.[13]

Still others argue that the basis for the existence of transgender people is rooted variously in post-modern jargon, identity politics, and queer theory. Proponents of this argument are rarely able to define these terms coherently. Many theorists who seriously contemplate gender reject identity as a foundational basis for politics and instead seek to understand the reality faced by transgender people based on material and class conditions, particularly Dr. Judith Butler.[14] This relatively obscure literature has little bearing on the identity of transgender people, most of whom come out due to the fundamental incongruence between their identity and the experience of socialization based on their misidentified sex or gender at birth.  

The first person to gain legal recognition in the United States as a non-binary person was James Shupe. In 2016, Shupe filed a lawsuit in Oregon state court seeking to amend his legal gender from female to non-binary. The state court granted his request.[15] Shupe was a transgender woman at the time but has since decided to detransition and live out his life as a man. Even so, his legal success in Oregon state court was the basis for a petition filed by Dana Zzyym in the Federal District Court of Colorado.

Zzyym sought to apply for a passport but was unable to do so because the only options for the gender designation on the document were male or female, which did not accurately describe their sex or gender. The State Department denied Zzyym a passport on that basis. Zzyym’s legal challenge alleged that the Department’s policy regarding gender markers on passports exceeded its statutory authority and was arbitrary and capricious. The District Court agreed with Zzyym and struck down the policy.[16] On appeal, the Tenth Circuit held that the State Department’s decision to deny Zzyym’s passport did fall within its statutory authority, but that its decision to deny Zzyym’s passport in this case was indeed arbitrary and capricious and remanded the case.[17]

At the time of this article, only 10 states permit one to designate their gender as “X” on public identity documents.[18] 48 states permit one to change their gender between male and female, although the burden placed upon the individual varies widely.[19] 18 states either have no written policy regarding amending gender designations, or they impose an onerous process on those seeking to amend their legal documentation requiring proof of surgery, a court order, and/or an amended birth certificate in order to change one’s designation on their driver’s license.[20] Such requirements rely on an institutional knowledge that is disproportionately inaccessible to transgender communities. Few states allow transgender and gender non-conforming people total autonomy with respect to these documents, which creates significant barriers to transgender people who desire legal recognition for personal or safety reasons.

In 2018, Lambda Legal filed suit against Idaho officials because the Idaho Department of Health and Welfare did not permit transgender individuals to amend their birth certificate to reflect their gender identity. The Idaho Department of Health and Welfare conceded that its policy was unconstitutional and attempted to compromise by offering to implement a policy that would allow transgender individuals to amend the sex designation on their birth certificates, but in doing so the amended birth certificate would contain the revision history as to the listed sex or name. The Federal District Court of Idaho permanently enjoined both policies, reasoning that the Idaho Department of Health and Welfare already permitted applicants to amend other aspects of their birth certificate without the new document disclosing the revisions; for example, amendments to paternity or adoptive status are kept confidential.[21]

The court recognized transgender people as a quasi-suspect class such that courts must apply intermediate scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause to rules discriminating against them. Because the Idaho Department of Health and Welfare already provided a process to amend one’s birth certificate without disclosing the revision history, the court determined that the proposed policy failed intermediate scrutiny review. In response, the legislature enacted a bill during the 2020 legislative session that would prevent one from altering the gender on their identity documents at all. The Federal District Court of Idaho again enjoined this law based on the prior order.[22]  

Currently in Idaho, amending the gender designation on one’s birth certificate requires a trans person to submit an application to the Bureau of Vital Records and Health Statistics and pay a $20 application fee – in addition to a $16 certificate fee for the amended birth certificate. Changing the gender designation on one’s driver’s license requires that the birth certificate be amended and an affidavit from a physician certifying that the applicant has undergone a “change of sex.” The Idaho Transportation Department does not presently define what it means to have undergone that process. There is currently no process in Idaho to amend one’s identity documents to reflect anything other than male or female.  

In some cases, the efforts of states and courts to create a process for legally recognizing trans and gender non-conforming people may be well intentioned. Even so, as noted earlier in this article, documents that publicly identify someone as transgender can subject one to fatal violence or facilitate discrimination in nearly every facet of social life. The reliance on policy proposals to allow transgender people to amend their legal documentation also reinforces antiquated gender norms that we should reject.

Transgender women who successfully amend their identity documents to reflect their gender are expected to perform their femininity to be socially accepted. Transgender men must similarly perform masculinity, and non-binary and gender non-conforming people must perform androgyny. To be frank, it is difficult to understand why one’s gender is the business of complete strangers. 

In short, a simple and viable alternative exists to these multifaceted requirements to amend the gender designation on one’s public identity documents: legislatures should act to remove such gender designations entirely. They serve little purpose and including them only puts transgender and gender non-conforming people at an increased risk for discrimination and violence from any party that has reason to examine those documents. Doing so would ensure uniformity across states as opposed to imposing different and complicated requirements on transgender people. Moreover, removing gender designations would be in line with the public policy underlying the decision to remove race designations from public birth certificates.[23] 

Given the hostile rhetoric and violence levied against transgender people in the state of Idaho, it is no wonder that many of us do not feel safe in this community. There are many steps that readers of The Advocate might take to support transgender people. Readers can demand policies in their workplace prohibiting discrimination against employees and applicants on the basis of transgender status. They can advocate for anti-discrimination laws that apply to housing and businesses at the level of state, county, and city governments. Legal workers can provide low cost or pro bono legal representation when such acts of discrimination do occur. And, perhaps most importantly, readers can organize against and resist the inevitable next piece of legislation proposed to the Idaho House and/or Senate that seeks to further marginalize transgender people.

“In some cases, the efforts of states and courts to create a process for legally recognizing trans and gender non-conforming people may be well intentioned.”


Casey Parsons is a staff attorney with Idaho Legal Aid Services, Inc. in Boise, Idaho. They were born and raised in Idaho Falls and graduated from the University of Idaho College of Law in May 2020. They are passionate about providing accessible legal services and hope to remain in Idaho to fulfill their commitment to building a safer and more inclusive community. They are particularly grateful to Michelle Collazo Vos, Ritchie Eppink, David Losinski, and Mikay Parsons for their invaluable contributions to this article.

Endnotes

 

[1] Bostock v. Clayton Cnty., Georgia, 140 S. Ct. 1731, 1737, 207 L. Ed. 2d 218 (2020).

[2] Gloucester Cnty. Sch. Bd. v. Grimm, No. 20-1163, 2021 WL 2637992, at *1 (U.S. June 28, 2021).

[3] C. Ainsworth, Sex Redefined, 518 Nature 288, 288-291 (2015).

[4] S. E. James et al., Nat’l Ctr. for Transgender Equal., The Report of the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey 198 ( 2016).

[5] Id. at 148.

[6] Id. at 176.

[7] Id. at 185.

[8] Hum. Rts. Campaign Found., An Epidemic of Violence: Fatal Violence Against Transgender and Gender Non-Confirming People in the United States in 2020 (2021).

[9] S.E. James, et al., Nat’l Ctr. for Transgender Equal., Black Trans Advoc. & Nat’l Black Just. Coal., 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey: Report on the Experiences of Black Respondents (2017).

[10] Russ Kridel, American Medical Association, Removing the Sex Designation from the Public Portion of the Birth Certificate 12-16 (2021).

[11] Amira Hasenbush et al, Gender Identity Nondiscrimination Laws in Public Accommodations: A Review of Evidence Regarding Safety and Privacy in Public Restrooms, Locker Rooms, and Changing Rooms, 16 Sexuality Rsch. and Soc. Pol’y 70, 70–83 (2019).

[12] C. Ainsworth, Sex Redefined, 518 Nature 288, 288-291 (2015).

[13] Esther L. Meerwijk & Jae M. Sevelius, Transgender Population Size in the United States: A Meta-Regression of Population-Based Probability Samples, 107 Am. J. of Pub. Health 1, 1-8 (2017).

[14] Jules Gleason, Judith Butler: ‘We Need to Rethink the Category of Woman’, The Guardian (Sept. 7, 2021, 06:14 PM), https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2021/sep/07/judith-butler-interview-gender.

[15] In the Matter of Jamie Shupe, No. 16CV13991 (Or. Cir. Ct. June 10, 2016).

[16] Zzyym v. Pompeo, 341 F. Supp. 3d 1248, 1261 (D. Colo. 2018), vacated and remanded, 958 F.3d 1014 (10th Cir. 2020).

[17] Id. at 1034.

[18] Russ Kridel, American Medical Association, Removing the Sex Designation from the Public Portion of the Birth Certificate 14 (2021).

[19] Id. at 15.

[20] Identity Document Laws and Policies, Movement Advancement Project, https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps/identity_document_laws (last visited Sept. 30, 2021).

[21] F.V. v. Barron, 286 F. Supp. 3d 1131, 1145 (D. Idaho 2018), clarified sub nom. F.V. v. Jeppesen, 466 F. Supp. 3d 1110 (D. Idaho 2020), and clarified sub nom. F.V. v. Jeppesen, 477 F. Supp. 3d 1144 (D. Idaho 2020).

[22] F.V. v. Jeppesen, 477 F. Supp. 3d 1144, 1151 (D. Idaho 2020).

[23] Russ Kridel, American Medical Association, Removing the Sex Designation from the Public Portion of the Birth Certificate 14 (2021).

…But I Just Want to Make a Sandwich

Mellisa D. Maxwell

Published January 2022

The way in which business software is bought and sold is shifting. This shift is resulting in a much higher volume of software licenses than most corporate and business attorneys have historically handled.  Many business lawyers will need to adapt their practice style to provide competent representation that meets the needs of the client.   When you think about the direct-to-consumer side of licensing, it started shifting years ago.

While many of us remember going to the store to buy a computer game or a movie, streaming and downloading content is now virtually at the fingertips of every consumer.   Literally, at the touch of my thumbprint the collected works of Harry Potter is available to me almost instantaneously.  Many consumers have come to expect this type of convenience.  No matter how much we resisted, last year the access to Instacart, DoorDash, Netflix, Disney+, and many other online services was how many people kept their sanity.  Did anyone read the End User License Agreements (EULAs) to those services?  Likely not.  We were all ready and willing to assume any and all risks for the sake of convenience and the hope of at least a half-second of peace and quiet. 

That changes when we step in the office. If a client comes to you and says, “Hey, so we want to get this really cool tool that will help us [fill in the blank], it’s a free trial and then like only a couple hundred dollars a year,” the lawyer brain kicks into motion.  Outwardly we smile and say, “tell me more.”

The buying and selling of software

Even though I am using the terms buying and selling, it is important to note that software is not really “sold” in the legal sense.  Computer software falls under the original works of authorship protected under copyright law.   As a form of intellectual property, software is technically licensed as opposed to sold. 1  What is being bought and sold is just the license to use the software.2

Business to Business (B2B) refers to when one business supplies products and services to another business, as opposed directly to end consumers. Many companies, for example Microsoft, have both models.  You may have a Microsoft account for your home computer but when you buy Microsoft for work, you should not be logging into the Microsoft home edition.  In the simplest form the B2B license grant is for a commercial use, whereas Business to Consumer applications (B2C) applications will contain a license grant restricted only to personal use.

High-volume licensing models

Arguably, software licensing changed starting as early as the 1990s with ProCD, Inc. v. Zeidenberg, when the Seventh Circuit held the “shrink wrap” license was valid and enforceable.3

But it was not until 2009 when we saw a digital transformation begin to take place with cloud computing.  As late as 2011, enterprise level business had hesitation in moving to the cloud despite the enormous cost savings it promised.4 During this time licensors were trying to figure out how to embrace the cloud for distribution as there were key advantages, whereas licensees were working to keep everything stored locally on their own servers and networks, aka “on-prem.”  The loss of physical control of the data posed potential risks many businesses were not ready to assume.  Now, ten years later, a small company may have over 100 cloud-based applications it is using day-to-day.5

Cloud Marketplaces are a newish B2B channel that allows business leaders a streamlined way to find and purchase cloud applications.6  The question this poses is how can counsel serve the best needs of the client when clients are able to click and subscribe to Software as a Service (SaaS) tools at a rapid pace.  Moreover, there is an increasingly growing range of application possibilities from publishing tools, security applications, point of sale (POS) systems, or even Git  repositories. 7  The average B2B SaaS sales cycle length can take almost 4 months with some closer to 7.8 One report shows the average in 2020 as 83 days.9  This means there is a business or licensee that needs or wants to buy something and a seller or licensor who is trying to generate revenue.

Imagine the frustration this would cause today’s consumers if it took 83 days to download the next season of Schitt’s Creek.    Better yet, imagine a customer walks into a bakery to buy a loaf of bread.  Suddenly the stereotypical lawyers swoop in to negotiate this deal—what if the bread is stale? How long will the bread last? What if it makes the purchaser sick? Or a family member?   Did they steal this bread? Do they have relevant licenses to sell me this bread? If my client commits to buying more bread, will I get a better deal? Do they have insurance . . .? While the lawyers are trying to craft language on indemnification and remedies in the event of a misrepresentation as to the gluten, sugar, and carb ratio, the lawyers have failed to notice that the buyer and seller have snuck out back to conclude the transaction and move the growing line along. 

In this example, the seller wants to make money from selling bread and the buyer just wants to make a sandwich.  The lawyer’s zealous advocacy may have just crossed the line to not helping the client but instead is hindering the client’s objectives (and creating risk because we have no idea what was agreed to in this back-alley deal).10  Even though bread and widgets are different from software, it is still the same problem—when the legal department is a roadblock to a deal that has already taken months, it incentivizes our clients to avoid us. The practice style that has worked for legal teams previously is not scalable when the SaaS deals are stacking up.  Nevertheless, there are things we can do.  Here are five tips to successfully handle a high volume of software licenses.

Tailor your approach

Here is a scenario: it is late in the day and I get an instant message on my computer via Slack from a company executive, “Hey, let’s talk about EULA’s.”   Soon we are face to face in a Zoom meeting discussing a potential revamp of the standard EULA template. As we discuss the use case and some of the contractual provisions, I propose a novel approach, “we could modify it to start with something more reasonable.” My colleague’s response is filled with mixed emotions because in his experience, the other side’s legal team will always push for something regardless of whether the starting point is reasonable or not; and then where do you go on the negotiation.   It is a good point but it is a time-consuming dance.

Unlike in a B2C relationship, the other side will likely have an attorney or sophisticated procurement person. When drafting and creating standard templates think about how you can advocate for your client but not do it a disservice by impeding business.  If you know that you would never ever agree to something, then do not put it in your own template and expect the other side to accept it. When you try to be clever and tricky, you end up being a roadblock.

If your client is licensing out a product then you should be able to have a standard agreement. If your approach is reasonable, then there is a greater chance that your customer agreements will be very much the same and thus lower overhead in managing or tracking contractual obligations.  There is a reason DIY legal services exist; we are ruining our profession by getting in our own way.

Know your client

When I look to outside counsel for help, I do not want a generic memo.  I want contextual advice, which comes from having a much bigger picture of the company than simply what the company does.   Legal counsel should know the market and the industry.  Business leaders have business decisions to make; my legal team should be delivering practical and meaningful advice based on business realities.  It is not a one-size-fits-all analysis when thinking about a software license. It is very clear when an attorney in a negotiation does not know their client.  One of the most over the top examples that comes to mind is a recent situation where the licensor’s attorney insisted on only offering a warranty for something they were not providing; it got really awkward when his client’s business team had to explain what it was that they “do” to their own legal counsel.11

Understand the deal

This ties closely with knowing your client.  Make sure your client has provided you with all the documents related for the deal.  Often times, there are details in order forms or addendums that you need to have a complete picture.  If, for example, a document keeps referencing something that you cannot find, it could be sloppy drafting, but it could also be that you were not provided with all the documents.  

Before you even start reading, you should have some idea as to what the software is, who will be using it, and how will it be used.  Having some context is crucial to the analysis of the contractual provisions. Moreover, when it comes to contractual provisions, the provisions should all make sense in light of the deal. None of us should have to make those crazy arguments to keep a provision that has been in a template because your boss has not approved a revision in decades—Code Escrow, I am looking at you!12

Read

 Read the documents.  Do not just jump on a call to negotiate a deal without having read the contract.  It is obvious to your clients and the other side that you are winging it. I know sometimes that is not always possible to read the most recent redline you received hours before.  I get it. But own it and be honest.  Ask the client/business owner to reschedule.  If you are outside counsel, there should be no reason you have not read the documents prior to the call, since they are often scheduled based on your availability.   Conversely, if you want less to read or want to read faster, then consider using plain language and shorter contracts.  Some legal departments try to get get out of reading by forcing its own paper on licensors.  This can be a risky approach given drafting a contract that is so generic to cover a wide variety of applications gets extremely long. The longer the contract, the more ripe it is for ambiguity and conflicting provisions.

In addition, while this may make it easier on your operations to not have to read every deal that comes in, it is harder on the licensor’s operations.13  It all falls apart when the client really needs something, and the vendor refuses to license their product under someone else’s paper. By the time the legal team gives in, they are rushing through the license agreement because the client needed this application weeks ago.  They are now doing a bigger disservice to their client because they are left negotiating up against the clock with very little leverage.  This is where I have found the Marketplace standard contracts really help as a good compromise to move deals through the pipeline.  

Embrace technology

Do not fear “The Google”.  I was very reluctant to use Google Docs.  Not too long ago I would have died on that hill to have my windows laptop and my Microsoft applications.  Unfortunately, that conflicted with the inclusive culture I was trying to build in the company and across departments.  Yes, my team does still have some Microsoft applications that we use.

With a Google Doc you can set permissions and settings to continue to protect confidential information and restrict who has access and versioning visibility.  I use it to collaborate with my co-workers because it avoids the version control issues with someone making a change and then the wrong document being sent to the other party.  It was a big change at first, but I found it speeds things up. 

Initium Law also moved to using the Gsuite application, as we found many of our small businesses clients did not use Microsoft tools, so we spent more time trying to open up each other’s documents than getting anything else done.  We also discovered value in having multiple people working on a client matter meant we did not lose any of the work product as they filtered in and out of rotation.   It was also a much easier time adding and deactivating credentials. Working together on a document in real time is more efficient than the save, send, open, resave cycle.

I am not endorsing any particular tool or product. There are a number of real time collaboration tools out there.  Do not be afraid to use them.  I encourage you to proactively evaluate your tech stack and re-evaluate often.   The legal tech stack does not have to only include software specifically designated for legal teams; Tackle.io is a great example. Another example is project management; if every department uses one tool for projects but the legal department’s workflow is managed through another tool, it creates friction in the organization.  This friction adds to the roadblock perception.

Perhaps it is the fear of change that is the real problem when it comes to embracing technology. Pre-pandemic, many legal departments had not even embraced e-signing tools yet.  I have signed roughly 350 documents in Docusign in the past six months and plenty more through other e-sign platforms.  Yet a majority of our outbound licensing goes through the Marketplace and is licensed under a click-wrap agreement.  I cannot imagine how much I would spend on licensing e-signing platforms if we signed every license agreement.  

Besides the budget savings, the cool thing about the Marketplace is the tracking and recordkeeping functionality it provides.  It would be remiss of me not to mention the Tackle.io platform in this context.  At Tackle we use our own tool internally so we do not have to pull reports from each Marketplace, and we can get the combined data through the Tackle Platform. The more standard the license agreements are, the more capital efficient my department can be.   This is why we have built it into our procurement process that we buy from the Marketplaces whenever possible.  If the company is leveraging the standard contract for the marketplace, it is the same terms we are comfortable with as the licensor, and we know what to expect.14  

The bottom line is that if you keep sending Word docs to clients who do not have Microsoft tools, it leaves the impression that you are stagnant in your practice and have no interest in being a partner to them.

When we adapt and be more innovative, it shows our clients that we really are teachable, and we care what is in their best interest. It is crucial that we are not seen as a roadblock but instead as a valuable partner so that when our representation, advice, and skill matter most, they will trust us. In the end this serves not just our clients but the profession as well. 


Mellisa D. Maxwell currently serves as General Counsel at Tackle.io. A a seasoned entrepreneur and transactional attorney, Mellisa has spent the last 20 years guiding executive leaders in multiple areas of business operations. Her love of technology and business drove her initial legal focus in intellectual property and privacy. Mellisa is an active mentor to community start-ups and emerging professionals. When she’s not volunteering at Initium Law where she currently serves as the Executive Director, she is in the mountains with her rescue pups.

Endnotes

1 When software or other Intellectual property is “sold,” it is a transfer of intellectual property rights, which is outside the scope of this article. 

2 This is a simplified statement as the license grant language will vary depending on the type of IP rights; use is just one of the rights in the overall bundle. 

3 ProCD, Inc. v. Zeidenberg, 86 F.3d 1447 (7th Cir. 1996).

4 Cloud Computing- Business Perspective, S. Marston et al, Decision Support Systems 51 (2011).

5 https://www.blissfully.com/blog/saas-statistics/ (last visited Sept. 30, 2021).

6. https://www.canalys.com/insights/Cloud-marketplaces-as-a-channel-to-market?ctid=2232-fded5e8d7060d55ce58f3080ad95e39f (last visited Sept. 30, 2021).

7. A git is the version control system for source code during a software development project.

8. https://www.marketingcharts.com/customer-centric/lead-generation-and-management-107203 (last visited Sept. 30, 2021).

9. https://www.klipfolio.com/metrics/sales/sales-cycle-length (last visited Sept. 30, 2021).

10. If you walked up to the bakery counter to buy a loaf of bread and the clerk says, “hold on, let me get my lawyer on the phone,” run away.  Do not buy that bread.  Alternatively, if you want to buy all the existing bread and the exclusive rights to future bread, then that is a different story.

11. Do not be pointing fingers, in this situation it was not an Idaho attorney or Idaho company. 

12. Previous concerns like escrow for the code, destruction of equipment, and updates to code are gone with the shift to continuous deployment on the cloud.

13. The Marketplaces allow you to use your own EULA as well.

Idaho Judicial Council Position Interviews

On June 10, the Board of Commissioners of the Idaho State Bar is interviewing three candidates to serve as an attorney member of the Idaho Judicial Council; for a five-year term that commences in June: Keely Duke, Andrew Brassey and John Rumel.

The Idaho Judicial Council is empowered by statute to nominate to the Governor persons for appointments to vacancies in the Supreme Court, Court of Appeals, and district courts. It may make recommendations to the Supreme Court for the removal, discipline, and retirement of judicial officers. It is comprised of seven members. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, who is chair, a district court judge and two lawyers appointed by the governing board of the Idaho bar with the consent of the state senate and three non-attorney members appointed by the Governor with the consent of the senate. Sitting in its disciplinary capacity, the Council may investigate complaints against justices, court of appeals judges or judges of the district courts or magistrate divisions, and members of the Industrial Commission, and in appropriate cases it may recommend to the Supreme Court the removal, discipline or retirement of a justice, judge, or magistrate judge. 

In making its selection, the Commission will be guided by the following statutory considerations, found in Idaho Code Section 1-2101: Appointment shall be made with due consideration for area representation and not more than three (3) of the permanent appointed members shall be from one (1) political party.

Questions may be directed to: Diane Minnich, Executive Director, Idaho State Bar, 208-334-4500, dminnich@isb.idaho.gov

June 10 – Board of Commissioners of the Idaho State Bar meeting agenda

Topic: Judicial Council Interview

Time: Jun 10, 2022 10:00 AM Mountain Time (US and Canada)

Join Zoom Meeting

https://us06web.zoom.us/j/82006993084?pwd=MmErQUNmNG1PS3Y3VG9wR0txMGtEdz09

Meeting ID: 820 0699 3084

Passcode: 053809

Amendments to the Child Support Guidelines, Idaho Rules of Family Law Procedure (I.R.F.L.P.) Rule 120

The Idaho Supreme Court has issued an Order amending the child support guidelines, Idaho rules of family law procedure (I.R.F.L.P.) rule 120. Please read the full Order linked below:

In Re: Amendments to the Child Support Guidelines, Idaho Rules of Family Law Procedure (I.R.F.L.P.) Rule 120

Amendments to Idaho Juvenile Rules 4, 14, 27, 54 – Effective July 1

The Idaho Supreme Court has issued an Order amending the Idaho Juvenile Rules effective July 1, 2022. Please read the full Order linked below:

In Re: Amendments to Idaho Juvenile Rules 4, 14, 27, and 54

ISC Announcement- iCourt Portal Down

Idaho Supreme Court to Hold Annual Memorial Service

Justice Daniel T. Eismann Award for Excellence in Treatment Courts – Call for Nominations

AII magistrate, district, and senior judges are eligible for the Daniel T. Eismann Award for Excellence in Treatment Courts. This award is presented to a treatment court judge who demonstrates exceptional leadership and commitment to the success of their team and participants. Any judicial employee, treatment court team member, or member of the Idaho State Bar may nominate a sitting or senior district or magistrate treatment court judge in the Idaho Court System.

Nominations must be typewritten and follow the format described below:

Nominee

Submitter’s Information

Name, Title, Phone, and Email

Narrative

Please describe the nominee’s major contributions to Treatment Courts in Idaho. Consider years of service, innovations in the field, inspiration of others, and major achievements that have or will have enduring value.

Selection Process

A subcommittee of 7 members of the Treatment Court Committee will be appointed by the Committee Chair. The subcommittee will review nominations and make no more than three recommendations to the Idaho Supreme Court, who will determine the selection.

The award will be presented at the Idaho Treatment Court Conference, which is held every two years, and will be announced by the chair of the Treatment Court Committee (Justice Moeller or designee) on the 2nd day of the conference. Nominations will be opened approximately four months prior to the conference, allowing time for the Treatment Court Committee to receive and review nominations and the Supreme Court to make a selection.

Nominations for the 2022 Eismann Award for Excellence in Treatment Courts should be submitted by February 28th, 2022.  The presentation will be made at the Treatment Court conference scheduled for May 6th, 2022.

Please send nominations to Treatment Court Committee staff by mail or email:

Scott Ronan

P.O. Box 83720 Boise, ID 83720-0101

Email: sronan@idcourts.net